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NRL News
Page 4
February 2011
Volume 38
Issue 2
The Pain-Capable Unborn Child
Protection Act
and the Future of Abortion Jurisprudence
By Mary Spaulding Balch,
J.D.
It would be difficult to
overstate the historic importance of Nebraska’s 2010 Pain-Capable
Unborn Child Protection Act, the first state law to present the
Supreme Court with the opportunity to bring its abortion
jurisprudence into the 21st century. The law is grounded in a moral
empathy that resonates with the American people: “You don’t kill
unborn children capable of feeling pain.” Basing its conclusion on
an enormous body of medical research (literally hundreds of
studies), this first-of-its-kind law conservatively sets the
demarcation at 20 weeks.
So why, after publicly
hinting it was just a matter of time, have pro-abortion
organizations not challenged the law in court? Quite probably
because pro-abortionists appreciate that when abortion’s brutal
realities overcome the gauzy generalities about “choice,” the public
opinion needle moves in the direction of life. That is precisely
what happened in the long, long debate over partial-birth abortion.
Better than most, abortion advocates understand that you don’t need
coursework in fetal anatomy to sense that at 20 weeks babies will
suffer excruciating pain as they are being torn apart.
Furthermore they understand
that the Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act could not have
passed had today’s scientific understanding about and public
awareness of the unborn child not advanced leaps and bounds from
1973 when the U.S. Supreme Court handed down its infamous Roe v.
Wade decision. Sonograms of the once nearly invisible unborn child
are now plastered on refrigerators all over the world.
There are ironies galore,
but none more stark than this. Pro-abortionists forever tell us that
pro-lifers want to “take us back.” In fact what makes the
Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act so dangerous to Roe is that
it demands precisely the opposite.
Rather than freezing our
understanding of fetal development at what was available to the High
Court 38 years ago, the law says, “Come, let’s see what we know now
that we didn’t know then.” And seeing is believing, which is why
abortion proponents are so dead-set against the passage of laws
which make it possible for abortion-vulnerable women to see an
ultrasound of their unborn babies.
“Informed
choice” is the last thing abortion clinic personnel are looking for.
Forty years ago, the unborn
child virtually did not exist in medicine. “Fetal medicine” was an
oxymoron. Our understanding of pain was so primitive that even a
newborn undergoing surgery did so without anesthesia! They received
only a paralytic to keep them still.
The use of ultrasound was
introduced in the late 1970s. The possibility of literally seeing
the unborn child opened the eyes not only of parents but of doctors,
allowing them to diagnose problems that heretofore were only known
in newborns. The concept of the unborn child as a patient was born.
It was the beginning of a subspecialty that we know today as fetal
medicine.
With the ability to see this
new patient came in utero surgery—the ability to save premature
unborn children at earlier and earlier intervals. Once highly
experimental, fetal surgery is now a frequent occurrence at several
hospitals around the country. As recent as February 8, ABC News
Tonight ran an important investigative piece on fetal surgery which
is likely soon to become standard care for some conditions such as
spina bifida.
We can see in retrospect
that two lines of investigation were intersecting. On one axis
doctors were observing that when pricked by a needle, even the most
premature babies grimaced. On the other axis, physicians saw that
unborn children could experience pain, due to the ever-increasing
use of fetal surgery. The question arose: at what point in fetal
development is the child capable of experiencing pain?
In 2005, congressional
hearings were held on the issue of unborn children’s pain. Expert
witnesses included Dr. Jean A. Wright and Dr. K.J.S. Anand. Dr.
Wright testified that “an unborn fetus after 20 weeks of gestation
has all the prerequisite anatomy, physiology, hormones,
neurotransmitters, and electrical current to close the loop and
create the conditions needed to perceive pain.” Subsequently Dr.
Anand, currently a professor of pediatrics, anesthesiology, and
neurobiology at the University of Tennessee Health Science Center,
said in a document accepted as expert by a federal court, “It is my
opinion that the human fetus possesses the ability to experience
pain from 20 weeks of gestation, if not earlier, and that pain
perceived by a fetus is possibly more intense than that perceived by
newborns or older children.”
Is there evidence that the
Supreme Court is aware of all this? There is clear evidence Justice
Kennedy is. Justice Kennedy has described the gruesome nature of the
most common abortion technique used in the second trimester,
dilation and evacuation or D & E, in terms that make clear that it
would be extremely painful: “[F]riction causes the fetus to tear
apart. For example, a leg might be ripped off the fetus ... ,” he
wrote in the 2007 case of Gonzales v. Carhart. Justice Kennedy used
even more graphic descriptions of D&E abortions in his dissent in
Stenberg v. Carhart, “The fetus, in many cases, dies just as a human
adult or child would: It bleeds to death as it is torn limb from
limb.”
In Gonzales v. Carhart, the
decision upholding the federal ban on partial-birth abortions,
Justice Kennedy also dealt with two other issues germane to the
Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act. He wrote:
“In
a decision so fraught with emotional consequence some doctors may
prefer not to disclose precise details of the means that will be
used, confining themselves to the required statement of risks the
procedure entails. ... It is, however, precisely this lack of
information concerning the way in which the fetus will be killed
that is of legitimate concern to the State. ... It is self-evident
that a mother who comes to regret her choice to abort must struggle
with grief more anguished and sorrow more profound when she learns,
only after the event, what she once did not know: that she allowed a
doctor to pierce the skull and vacuum the fast-developing brain of
her unborn child, a child assuming the human form.”
What Justice Kennedy for the
Court stated to be true with regard to partial-birth abortion—its
impact on the mother, and the state’s interest—may equally be
applied to those abortions performed when the unborn child is
capable of experiencing, and does experience, pain from the abortion
technique.
Equally important, Kennedy
(widely understood to be the decisive fifth vote in abortion cases)
wrote in Gonzales that “it is inappropriate for the Judicial Branch
to provide an exhaustive list of state interests implicated by
abortion.”
The justices have never
addressed the issue of an unborn child’s pain. If/when they do it
would be a case of “first impression,” as lawyers put it.
Recognizing a compelling
state interest in the unborn child who is capable of experiencing
pain would not require the Court to overturn, but only to
supplement, its prior recognition of a compelling “state interest”
in the unborn child after viability. The federal Partial-Birth
Abortion Ban Act was upheld in Gonzales, although it made no
distinction based on viability. As Justice Kennedy wrote, “The
[Partial-Birth Abortion Ban] Act does apply both previability and
postviability because, by common understanding and scientific
terminology, a fetus is a living organism while within the womb,
whether or not it is viable outside the womb.”
It is critically important
to understand that the interest asserted here is not just one in
diminishing or eliminating the unborn children’s pain during an
abortion. Rather, it is that the unborn child’s capacity to
experience pain is a significant developmental milepost, making the
unborn child at that point sufficiently akin to an infant or older
child to trigger a compelling state interest.
The stage of development at
which the unborn child is capable of experiencing pain is at least
as “clear” and arguably more “workable” in comparison with
viability. While viability is predominately an extrinsic measurement
of the capacity of medical science to sustain the life of a
premature infant, the capacity to feel pain is an intrinsic, innate
feature of the unborn child at a particular stage of development.
While no one can
definitively predict how the majority of the Supreme Court, and in
particular Justice Kennedy, would rule on the constitutionality of
the Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act, the evolving
development of the High Court’s abortion litigation, and
particularly its decision in Gonzales v. Carhart, leads us to this
conclusion. There may well be receptivity to a well-documented
effort to demonstrate the reasonableness of recognizing the reality
of fetal pain by 20 weeks post-fertilization, and the justification
for acting to minimize it by preventing abortions not necessary to
avert death or substantial and long-lasting physical impairment of a
major bodily organ from 20 weeks on. |